Showing posts with label BEIRUT: Palestinian Refugees Must Now Struggle With Addiction To Drugs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label BEIRUT: Palestinian Refugees Must Now Struggle With Addiction To Drugs. Show all posts

5 Oct 2014

Beirut: CV Of The People That Run Islamic State Terror Group: *LATEST UPDATE Link

BEIRUT (Reuters) - Islamic State, a Sunni Muslim militant group, has seized a third of Syria and large areas of Iraq and this year proclaimed a caliphate across the two countries in the heart of the Middle East.

*www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29532291 

*www.rte.ie/news/2014/1007/650535-syra-kobane/ 

*www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29515431 

www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/04/

www.rte.ie/news/2014/1004/649978-islamic-state-group/ 

www.irishtimes.com/news/world/middle-east/henning-family-numb-with-grief-after-aid-worker-s-murder-1.1951750 
 
The group, which U.S-led forces are bombing in Iraq and Syria, is made up of thousands of fighters from both countries as well as foreign recruits from around the world. Its leadership draws from militants with combat experience in Iraq.

Here are some of the group's main figures:

ABU BAKR AL-BAGHDADI, LEADER

Born in 1971, Baghdadi comes from an Iraqi family of preachers and Arabic teachers, according to a biography distributed on militant forums that says he studied at the Islamic University in Baghdad.

According to U.S. media reports, Baghdadi was detained for several years at Camp Bucca, a U.S-run prison in southern Iraq, before becoming head of the militant group Islamic State of Iraq in 2010, a predecessor to Islamic State, which expanded into Syria in 2013.

In June this year the growing group named Baghdadi as "caliph for the Muslims everywhere," and called on all to pledge allegiance to him. Although he is rarely pictured, a video released in July claimed to show him preaching in a mosque in Iraq's Mosul city, dressed in a black robe and turban.

He has proved ruthless in eliminating opponents and showed no hesitation in turning against former allies: He launched a war against al Qaeda's Syria wing Nusra Front, leading to a split with al Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahri, earlier this year.

A recent pamphlet released by Islamic State traced Baghdadi's purported lineage to the Prophet Mohammad and listed his military achievements. The United States is offering $10 million for information leading to the location, arrest, or conviction of Baghdadi, whose real name is Ibrahim Awwad Ibrahim Ali al-Badri al-Samarai.

ABU MOHAMMAD AL-ADNANI, OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN

Born in 1977 in Idlib, Syria, Adnani has delivered Islamic State's main messages, including its declaration of a caliphate, which was distributed in five languages.

The United States designated him a "global terrorist" this year and says he was one of the first foreign fighters to oppose U.S-led coalition forces in Iraq since 2003 before becoming spokesman of the militant group.

A biography posted on militant websites says the man, whose real name is Taha Subhi Falaha, grew up with a "love of mosques" and was a prolific reader.

ABU MUSLIM AL-TURKMANI, SENIOR COMMANDER IN IRAQ

A former general under Saddam Hussein, he is believed to have taken charge of provinces captured by Islamic State in Iraq. In the Iraqi military under Hussein he served in military intelligence and the republican guard.

His real name is said to be Fadel Ahmad Abdullah al-Hiyali and he was also imprisoned at Camp Bucca in Iraq. Former Saddam Hussein Baathists in Iraq have joined forces with Islamic State to fight the Shi'ite-led Baghdad government.

ABU OMAR AL-SHISHANI, SENIOR COMMANDER IN SYRIA

Born in Georgia in 1986, Shishani "the Chechen" has been described as Islamic State's military commander in Syria and led an offensive to capture a large area of land up to the Iraqi border.

His real name is Tarkhan Batirhvili, and he joined fighters battling the Syrian army in 2012 and swore allegiance to Baghdadi. Rebels and Kurdish forces say he is leading Islamic State's main strike force and has headed a recent offensive to capture a Kurdish town close to the Turkish border.
Shishani, who sports a striking ginger beard, is frequently shown on the battlefield, and has been pictured receiving military vehicles seized in Iraq and brought into Syria.

Sources: Reuters, U.S. Department of State, militant websites

(Compiled by Ali Abdelaty in Cairo and Beirut bureau; Editing by Sophie Walker)

(Editor's comment: BEAT BACK THE FORCES OF DESTRUCTION).


11 Sept 2014

Palestine: Investigating The Gaza Conflict: *UPDATED

GAZA (Reuters) - Some 500,000 children returned on Sunday to school in the Gaza Strip, where many will be given psychological counseling before regular studies begin after a devastating 50-day war between Palestinian militants and Israel.
The opening of the school year had been delayed for three weeks because of damage to more than 250 schools and the use of about 90 U.N. educational facilities as shelters for tens of thousands of residents displaced by fighting, the United Nations and local authorities said.
"The top priority now is making sure that after a period of psychosocial support, including the use of theater for development techniques, our students can return to their regular curricula," said Pierre Krähenbühl, head of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, which runs more than 200 Gaza schools.
He said UNRWA has employed over 200 counselors who would engage with the approximately 240,000 students in its schools, with a transition to standard studies scheduled in a week.
A coalition of international and local non-government agencies and the Palestinian Education Ministry will also help provide psychosocial support to another quarter-million students in Gaza's public schools.
Health officials in the Gaza Strip, an enclave run by the Hamas Islamist group, said more than 2,100 people, mostly civilians were killed, among them 500 children, in the war.
Israel, which launched its Gaza offensive on July 8 with the declared aim of halting cross-border rocket fire, said 67 of its soldiers and six civilians, including a four-year-old boy, were killed.
EMPTY CHAIR
At a girls' school in Shejaia, a Gaza neighborhood where hundreds of houses were damaged or destroyed and 72 people died in fierce fighting, a sign bearing the name of a student killed in the conflict was placed symbolically on an empty chair.
It read: "Martyr Ghalya Al-Helu, ninth grade,"
The head teacher, addressing the morning assembly in the bullet and shrapnel-scarred school, told the students that her deputy also had been killed.
Israeli schoolchildren, who began their studies as scheduled on Sept. 1, six days after an open-ended truce went into effect, spent summer vacation under rocket attack from Gaza that disrupted daily life in many Israeli communities.
Psychological help is also available to them in schools.
Zeyad Thabet, Gaza's deputy education minister, said 26 schools in the territory were destroyed during the war.
On Thursday, a report by the New York-based Human Rights Watch group accused Israel of committing war crimes by attacking three UNRWA-run schools, killing 45 Palestinians, including 17 children, in or near those facilities.
Israeli government and military spokesmen declined comment. But during the fighting, Israel rejected preliminary Human Rights Watch findings that it committed war crimes and said the group should focus on Hamas putting Palestinian civilians in harm's way by using residential areas as launching points for attacks and for weapons storage.
The United Nations acknowledged that weaponry was found at three of its Gaza schools - not the same facilities that were the subject of the Human Rights Watch report - and condemned militants for storing arms there.
UNRWA said some 64,000 refugees were still being housed in 20 Gaza schools.
Report: By Nidal al-Mughrabi:  (Editing by Jeffrey Heller and Rosalind Russell):

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Absent a referral by the Security Council, it is now accepted that the ICC Prosecutor could have jurisdiction to investigate the Gaza conflict if: (i) Palestine becomes a State Party to the ICC or (ii) Palestine signs a declaration giving the ICC jurisdiction over its territory for the conflict, or a defined period of the conflict, without becoming a State Party for all time. The latter procedure requires the Palestinian Authority to lodge such a declaration pursuant to Article 12(3) of the ICC Statute with the Court. It must of course be a genuine declaration on behalf of the Palestinian Authority which is lawful and binding.
The Palestinian Authority, then purporting to be a State, lodged such a declaration with the Court in January 2009 giving the ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed on its territory since July 1, 2002 (the date when the ICC Statute came into force). There was no question that the declaration was validly signed on behalf of the Palestinian Authority. Indeed, the Prosecutor at the time opened a preliminary examination to consider whether to start a full investigation into the alleged crimes. In the end, the declaration was rejected because the Prosecutor determined in April 2012 that Palestine was not a State capable of making such a declaration to accept the ICC's jurisdiction.
However, as explained in the Deputy Prosecutor's letter of August 14, 2014, the situation has changed since 2009 due to the UN General Assembly's decision in November 2012 to accord to Palestine non-member observer State status in the UN. The Deputy Prosecutor notes that as a result of this resolution Palestine can "activate the Court's jurisdiction either through accession to the Statute or by lodging a new declaration".
No positive confirmation
It appears from his letter that an attempt had already been made to a lodge a new declaration on July 30, 2014 by the Palestinian Minister of Justice. Yet, it too has now been rejected by the Prosecutor as a basis for the ICC to seize jurisdiction.
This is because the Deputy Prosecutor states in his letter that he "did not receive a positive confirmation" from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Palestine that the declaration was submitted on behalf of the Palestinian Authority. The current position is thus the opposite of the situation when the Prosecutor found the ICC lacked the authority to act in 2012 - statehood is no longer the issue, but the validity of the declaration is.
There is no indication in the letter about whether any consideration was given to obtaining the necessary confirmation and, if so, in what time period so that the ICC's jurisdiction would be effective once and for all. The public is in the dark about what steps may have been discussed, if any, to facilitate the ICC's intervention, and thus whether this is the overall intention.

It is known that the Prosecutor gave a strong response in her article in The Guardian on August 21, 2014 (only a short time after the meeting with the Foreign Minister) to the claims that her office has persistently avoided opening an investigation into alleged war crimes in Gaza as a result of US and other western pressure. The Prosecutor emphasised that her office is powerless to act as a matter of law because Palestine is not yet a State Party and has signed no declaration. Her argument is that "the simple truth is that my office has never been in a position to open such an investigation due to lack of jurisdiction".
Vibrant debate
There is a vibrant debate unfolding about whether the Prosecutor could and should rely on either the 2009 or 2014 declarations. What the Prosecutor has not mentioned is that she does have a clear legal jurisdictional basis to act in respect of alleged war crimes in Gaza as a result of the referral by the Government of the Comoros (a State Party of the ICC) as long ago as May last year. The Comoros referred to the ICC for investigation the attack on May 31, 2010 by the Israeli Defence Forces on the Humanitarian Aid Flotilla which was sailing on the high seas bound for Gaza. It is alleged that the crimes committed during this attack form part of a planned and widespread pattern of unlawful conduct in the continuing armed conflict between Israel and Palestine, including the recent hostilities in Gaza. The ICC's jurisdiction for the May 2010 attack stems from alleged crimes occurring on a ship registered to the Comoros. It is reported that persons on board were killed, injured, tortured, mistreated and unlawfully detained by Israeli forces. Crimes allegedly took place on other ships in the flotilla as well, including on board ships registered to Greece and Cambodia over which the ICC has jurisdiction as they are both States Parties.
Thus the Prosecutor's assertion that there is nothing that she can do in respect of Gaza, and that it is not her fault, is not quite the whole story. She has an active State referral which does permit her to act in respect of investigating crimes committed in the same overall conflict. Yet to date she has failed even to open an investigation for nearly a year and a half. The Comoros has stressed to the Prosecutor that the delay in opening an investigation continues to waste the potential deterrent effect on the commission of further crimes in Gaza that knowledge of her willingness to investigate Israel's military conduct could achieve. It could be said that alleged perpetrators may be reassured that their actions will not be subjected to the ICC's jurisdiction.
Of note, another way in which an ICC investigation could be delayed may lie in Israel's hands: by telling the Prosecutor as Israel has done that they are investigating war crimes themselves, the Prosecutor is compelled to shift her focus from investigation of the alleged crimes within the ICC's jurisdiction. Instead she has to concentrate on whether an investigation by Israel is genuine, and covers the same persons and conduct of any potential ICC investigation. If she is satisfied of these requirements, the Prosecutor may well lose jurisdiction to investigate. This process itself can take time and can cause delay.
Rodney Dixon QC is a barrister specialising in international law. He has acted in many cases before international criminal courts, having both prosecuted and defended, and represented governments, international organisations and victims.


30 Aug 2014

BEIRUT: Palestinian Refugees Must Now Struggle With Addiction To Drugs

Shatila refugee camp, Beirut - Smoking a cigarette in front of a football field in Beirut's Shatila refugee camp, Altayeb, a former drug dealer, says he spent many nights alone in his bathroom getting high on medical narcotics. 

"I often bought my supply from the pharmacy. They have pills that make us feel like Superman," he says.
The 40-year-old Palestinian refugee, whose parents fled in 1948 from Akka, a city in modern-day Israel, still remembers the high. "I remember how it used to calm my nerves," says Altayeb, fidgeting with his lighter.
He says he started selling drugs after securing a job as a driver for a Lebanese DJ; he was told to bring "party favours" before escorting clients, and his drug-dealing quickly escalated into a lucrative business.


Altayeb is not alone. While displacement, poverty and confinement are contributing factors, a lack of governance in the Palestinian camps has also played a vital role in the spread of drug abuse and trafficking among Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The country hosts more than 470,000 Palestinian refugees, of whom over 50 percent live in 12 refugee camps.
Legal restrictions prohibit Palestinians from being able to pursue Lebanese citizenship, inherit property or practice about 30 different professions. Not only are Palestinians excluded from social and political opportunities, but since the 1969 Cairo agreement, refugee camps have been placed outside Lebanese governance and under the quasi-authority of Palestinian factions.

RELATED ARTICLE: Link.
news.yahoo.com/housing-group-says-20-years-rebuild-gaza-092845840.html
With armed groups competing for control, and a limited number of non-governmental organisations working with drug addicts in the Palestinian camps, it is difficult to estimate the prevalence of drug use there.
Due to an absence of regulation, medicines that typically require prescriptions are legally sold in camp pharmacies to patients without prescriptions, camp residents and human rights groups say.
The most commonly abused medications in the camps are Tramadol and Xanax. Tramadol (30 pills are sold for $5) is an opiate derivative used for pain relief, while Xanax (eight pills are sold for $8) is prescribed to alleviate anxiety. Both drugs can produce side effects such as nausea, hallucinations and sedation, and as user tolerance increases, addicts consume heavier doses to achieve the same high.


While Lebanese pharmacies must register under a licensed practitioner, the industry is unregulated in Palestinian refugee camps. Sulieman, who did not give Al Jazeera his last name, is a shopkeeper at his brother's pharmacy in Ein el-Hilweh, a Palestinian refugee camp in the southern city of Saida. He said that even if his brother wanted to become an accredited pharmacist and register his store, work restrictions confine his business to the camps.
Sulieman's brother, Mohammed, told Al Jazeera that he receives most of his drug inventory from a Lebanese pharmaceutical distributor, although the company he named denied supplying medicines to camp pharmacies.
"They give us everything we ask for," Suleiman insisted.
Raed Ataya, a lawyer and project coordinator for Nabaa, a Lebanese group that supports drug addicts in Saida, said although Lebanese pharmaceutical companies are legally prohibited from supplying pharmacies in the camps, in practice the government cannot prevent Palestinians from importing medicine. "That would be inhumane," Ataya told Al Jazeera. "We need to regulate pharmacies, not forbid them."
Many pharmacy owners are afraid that their drugs may be resold to armed factions, so shopkeepers are often reluctant to supply people they do not know. But Altayeb told Al Jazeera he had a consistent supplier: "I knew two guys well," he said. "They often gave me $2,000 worth of Tramadol and I was able to sell it outside the camp or cut it with other drugs."
Nadya Mikdashi, the executive director and co-founder of Skoun, a Beirut-based NGO offering support and rehabilitation, said, in the absence of regulation, access to prescription medicine comes down to the ethics of individual pharmacies. "These pills are like heroin, but in pill form," Mikdashi told Al Jazeera.


Lebanese law criminalises drug abusers, and all hospitals are required to call the police to report anyone who has overdosed. This can have negative implications for those needing lifesaving assistance, Mikdashi noted.
Two hospitals in Beirut told Al Jazeera they received memos from the Lebanese Internal Security Forces in January, reminding them to contact the police if they suspected a patient had used drugs.
Since Palestinians only have access to primary healthcare from the United Nations' Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), a Palestinian refugee agency, they must travel to hospitals outside the camps.
And with strong stigmas on Palestinians still prevailing, human-rights groups say they have a difficult time breaching the topic of drug addiction in the camps. Mikdashi said that with all the discrimination Palestinians face in Lebanon, many wonder why drug addiction is being made a priority.
"Poverty, low access to emergency services and fear of the law, these are the primary reasons why overdoses are underreported," Mikdashi said.
As criminalisation has made it difficult for addicts to locate support, Skoun has reached out to high-risk areas by making supplies of Naloxone, a drug designed to reverse opioid overdose, widely available. But the organisation is not able to reach everybody.
"I lost my friend to a Tramadol overdose," Altayeb said. "I remember when his wife called and started crying; where was I supposed to take him?"
Soon after his friend died, Altayeb was arrested by Lebanese authorities for carrying hashish outside the camp. Four months in a Lebanese prison was torturous, he said, and weeks after his release, he decided to seek support. Today, drug-free for more than two years and earning $300 a month as a taxi driver, Altayeb says his criminal record coupled with other restrictions on Palestinians in Lebanon has left him with few other options.

"Maybe I'll open a pharmacy," he grins. "I was always good business for them and they were always great business for me."